Harim Peiris

Political and Reconciliation perspectives from Sri Lanka

  • October 2021
    M T W T F S S

A Cabinet Reshuffle for a Much Needed Course Correction

Posted by harimpeiris on August 19, 2021

By Harim Peiris

(Published in Groundviews on 18th August 2021)

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, approximately a third of the way into his term of office, carried out the most significant mid term cabinet reshuffle in recent Sri Lankan political history. The closest in scale and scope was about 18 years ago when President Chandrika Kumaratunga arrogated to herself the ministries of Defence and Internal Security and inducted Lakshman Kadirgamar as Media Minister into the rather difficult co-habitation government with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, a precursor to the latter’s even more tortuous relationship with another SLFP president, Maithripala Sirisena.

However the SLFP’s effective political successor, the SLPP, has carried out an even more significant political reshuffle. Considering the preceding induction of Basil Rajapakse as Minister of Finance, with the same portfolio being divested from the Prime Minister and the current reshuffle, signifies some changes in government tactics at least, a change in the batting order, if not in the team, and some possible changes in the game plan.

When Covid-19 first made its appearance in Sri Lanka, in March 2020, the new administration elected in November 2019 and facing an unsympathetic lame duck parliament was intent on conducting the general elections and a lockdown was declared only after nominations were received. Similarly, as the latest and most virulent Covid-19 wave surges in the country with record number of daily deaths and infections, the focus of the Administration seems to be on more political rather than public health concerns. However, in the current context, good public pandemic management would be good politics. However, social media seemingly indicates that there is quite a bit of skepticism regarding the Government’s pronouncements and actions especially with regard the real Covid situation in the country.

Taking over the mantle of the Health Ministry is Minister Keheliya Rambukwella, whose claim to fame was as Media Minister during the war years under President Mahinda Rajapaksa where he worked well with the military. Clearly the new Health Minister will continue to be a good spokesman and speak his lines clearly in the military dominated, public health exercise. He could perhaps use the trust he has built up with the military hierarchy to reassert the primacy of the health sector professionals in the fight against the pandemic. After all fighting against viruses requires an altogether different skill set to fighting against terrorists. Hopefully the maiden November budget of Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa would see a shift to public health care and indeed education instead of increasing peace time defense expenditure.

The most significant of the political changes wrought by the cabinet reshuffle, is the inducting of young Namal Rajapaksa as Minister in Charge of Development Coordination and Supervision. If, as the Duke of Wellington famously claimed, the battle of Waterloo was won on the playing fields of Eaton, it may well be that at a future date the new Development Coordination Minister would claim that the development battle for Sri Lanka was shaped on the rugby grounds of that school by the sea in Mt. Lavinia. The development challenges facing the young minister are considerable. Poor fiscal policy keeps Sri Lanka at the lowest rung of tax revenue as a percentage of GDP while a loose money policy is fueling inflation and putting enormous pressure on the exchange rate, which cannot be contained by banning imports. A political ideology, which declines American financial grants not loans (MCC) and denies foreign direct investment from India (East Container Terminal/ECT) while we are starved for foreign exchange, does not leave the new minister or indeed his uncle the new finance minister, much scope for action. The shock therapy of the overnight organic fertilizer only policy, six decades after its better-known language equivalent, may well have similar profound effects, this time on Sri Lanka’s still agrarian economy, as yields and production begins to decline.

Foreign policy is another area that shifts to yet another distinguished old Thomian, Professor G.L. Peiris, the devolution package advocate for President Kumaratunga, the former peace negotiator with the LTTE for Ranil Wickremesinghe and of course in his most recent avatar, the chairperson and an ideologue of sorts for the majoritarian ethno nationalist Sri Lanka Podujana Perumana (SLPP), the political vehicle of Sri Lanka’s first family. Foreign policy has been, one suspects, largely shaped for the SLPP by the generals, or rather, the admiral running the show at the Republic building; it will be interesting to see if the new minister will seek to remake Sri Lanka’s foreign policy by rebuilding our relations with India, strengthening our traditional non-alignment and improving relations with our largest export markets nations of the West. The as yet unresolved issues of post war reconciliation also find their locus now in the Foreign Ministry, as human rights and reform of the PTA drive the GSP+ process and Sri Lanka continues to be on the UNHRC agenda through our country specific resolution. Engagement, or the absence thereof, with Sri Lanka’s diaspora community is also in the purview of foreign affairs.

The good professor’s predecessor at the Foreign Ministry, Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, takes over education at the time when the school teachers are on strike, demanding the rectification of all their long running salary and service anomalies. It remains to be seen if the scion of the Boralugoda lion can use his vast public service experience and political acumen to resolve the issues faced by teachers, the largest category of public servants by far. Sending the president of the teacher’s union for enforced quarantine is best not repeated. We are still a multi-party democracy governed by the rule of law and not an absolute monarchy nor a military dictatorship. As the courts recently observed, quarantine regulations do not override the constitutional liberties and rights granted under the constitution.

The first SLPP Administration at the end of about a third of its term of office signals some desire for a tactical if not a strategic rethink and an operational regrouping and redeployment. It remains to be seen if the significant personnel changes it has made will translate into policy changes. All Sri Lankans, for our collective well-being, should wish our new ministers every success in their future endeavours.

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Open Letter to Basil Rajapaksa: Some Ideas for a Course Correction

Posted by harimpeiris on July 21, 2021

By Harim Peiris

(Published in the Island on 21st July 2021)

Dear Sir,

At the outset, may I rather belatedly congratulate you on your assumption of high ministerial office as the new Minister of Finance of Sri Lanka.

Skimming through the rather lengthy gazette notification of the duties and functions, assigned to you, I find that you are tasked with a very wide ambit of duties, and responsibilities, impacting the present and future well being of our nation and her people.

As you take over the Finance portfolio and many of the duties previously entrusted to the Prime Minister, there is a widespread public expectation that this change will result in a mid-term course correction by the government. I venture to highlight and flag a few such issues for your kind consideration, in the interest of the public.

Fighting the Pandemic

As public health is always a crucial factor in the economy and the Covid-19 pandemic dominates the public life of the citizenry, the management of the same is vital for both economic activity and societal well-being.

Accordingly, you may want to consider giving a slightly greater weightage to the medical professionals in the anti-pandemic effort, with the military playing a more supporting role, rather than vice versa. One and a half years into the pandemic, we are no longer in an initial emergency phase but facing a long-term public health issue, best handled by public health professionals.

They require reliable data and depoliticised management. The periodic protests by doctors, nurses and PHIs, regarding the pandemic management, are concerning. Their advice should be heeded and the course corrected.

Rather unfortunately at the early stages of the pandemic, we stigmatised our victims and had a forced cremation policy, since rescinded, but further measures to win public support and cooperation, such as the international practice of home quarantine for Covid patients, not requiring hospital care, and allowing the private healthcare sector to be involved in administering vaccines, may be further desirable changes to the current practices.

The slate of resignations in protest by medical professionals of the National Medicinal Regulatory Authority (NMRA), should not be repeated. Heed their professional views. It increases public confidence, in the overall management of the pandemic.

Fiscal policy, the national debt and foreign reserves

‘Voodoo economics’ is a term first used, about 40 years ago in American presidential politics to describe the economic policies and supply side theories of then US President Ronald Reagan, whose economic policies of deep tax cuts for large corporations, and the very wealthy, resulted in a ballooning national debt.

While the US with a fiercely and institutionally independent central bank can manage such a situation, not least because the US dollar is the reserve currency of the world, we can less afford to go the same route.

So, some kind of course correction in this regard maybe appropriate.

An obvious course of action would be to go for an IMF budgetary support facility. While its size may be small, compared to our need, the investor confidence, such an agreement provides, would not only facilitate foreign direct investment (FDI), but also once again make the global capital markets accessible to us, allowing us to roll over our maturing debt, even as we wisely seek to avoid increasing the same. In hindsight, turning down a near half a billion-dollar grant, not a loan, from the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and an equal sized equity investment by India’s Adani Group into the Colombo Port’s East Container Terminal (ECT) are unwise missed opportunities.

We could very much have used a billion dollars of non-debt foreign exchange inflows into our economy at this time. Plus developed our port (ECT) and road network (MCC) rather than just the very expensive reclaimed land of the Port City. Policy consistency would be very advisable.

Foreign policy and investments

You may also want to examine our ease of doing business criteria for local, not just foreign investors. As you woo foreign investors, into the largely autonomous Port City Zone, do consider local entrepreneurs, who are finding, among other things, the import ban on intermediate and capital goods, to be a significant drag on their operations.

The closed economy did not work from 1970 to ’77 and resulted in the SLFP, being banished to the opposition for 17 years. I am sure you wish to avoid a similar fate.

A sound foreign policy is a must for an island nation’s economy, such as ours, so acting as if we live in a unipolar world, with China as the world’s sole superpower, has been an unwise approach.

Sri Lanka has been well served in the past by our non-aligned foreign policy and robust relations with India. Also remember that the West is the largest market for our exports, the EU, the US and the UK leading the way and that the Muslim majority Middle East, the host nations for our expatriate workers, whose remittances make up the bulk of our net foreign exchange earnings. So, a rebalancing of our foreign policy is very much needed.

Non-organic fertiliser

Sri Lanka is at its core still very much an agricultural society and the sudden shock therapy of banning all non-organic fertiliser may end up being more shock than therapy.

As we are all aware, decades of agricultural policies have led farmers to switch over to higher yielding varieties of crops, dependent on chemical fertiliser and a sudden halt to the same can have drastic consequences for yields and total national agricultural output, including for our tea production.

Accordingly, you may want to revisit this policy and at least consider a phased process, of using both organic and non-organic fertiliser.

The subsidy to switch over to organic fertiliser is a good start, and therefore continue with such incentives, rather than sudden and unexpected policy changes, that reverse almost four decades of agricultural practices.

Democracy, human rights and reconciliation

Sri Lanka’s human rights and broader governance practices, has come under increasing global scrutiny. Denying reality or being pugnaciously aggressive does not make friends nor influence people in international relations.

A serious rethink of the current practices of expanding the use of the PTA, cracking down on trade unions, peaceful protests and social media users, as well as other human rights issues that threaten our GSP+ trade status with the EU, should be reconsidered. Good politics is good for the economy and vice versa.

As you are aware, in the recent past, during your time in the US, the President invited the TNA for talks and then abruptly cancelled the same, reportedly until you returned.

For over a decade now, since the end of the war, neither the causes of the conflict nor the effects of the same, have been adequately addressed.

So, you may want to commence a process of dialogue with the TNA and the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) appointed by the Prime Minister, during his time as President, maybe a good starting point. The LLRCs excellent key recommendations are all regrettably ignored and largely implemented in the breech.

You have a lot on your plate now as the Finance Minister and a key leader in the government.

For all our sakes, I wish you every success, to make the course corrections and bring about the prosperity and peace, that our nation so desperately needs and our people so deeply desire.

With best wishes,

Harim Peiris

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Only Option Available to UNP: An open letter to UNP Deputy Leader

Posted by harimpeiris on June 30, 2021

By Harim Peiris

(Published in the Island on 30th June 2021)

Dear Mr. Ruwan Wijewardena,

I thought I must write to you because the UNP finally managed to fill its solitary National List seat in Parliament, unsurprisingly with your cousin and leader for life, former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Unsurprising, because the moment I heard, after the general election wiped out the UNP, that Mr. Wickremesinghe intended to resign as the leader at some future date, I knew that day will never come. When you were appointed as UNP Deputy Leader, I hoped that Mr. Wickremesinghe may at least make way for you, his close kinsman, even if he would never do so for anyone else and, thereby, finally see a welcome, though now largely irrelevant switch of the UNP leadership, from an old Royalist to a fellow old Prepite.

However, I thought I would address a few issues of relevance in the opposition political space, which may be food for thought, for you. Though I am uncertain how much clout you carry with your cousin.

Firstly, though the UNP, post the formation of the SJB, garnered 2% of the national vote, this really is your highwater mark, since voters, in August 2020, were never really sure how the UNP’s voter base would divide up between the SJB and the UNP. The contrived media hype was all entirely on your side. Now it is very clear, that it was hardly a contest. Nine out of every 10 UNP voters, voted for the SJB and only one remained with the rump UNP. There is something known as electoral credibility. That is the ability of a political party to actually secure representation and the corresponding desire of an active voter, to not waste his or her vote. Given that the UNP failed to elect a single Member of Parliament from any district, including from Mr. Wickremasinghe’s supposed pocket borough of the Colombo city, or even your own electorate of Gamapha, expect the UNP’s vote at future elections, be that local or provincial polls, to garner even fewer votes, if you persist in the foolishness of contesting future elections under the UNP’s own banner.

Secondly, there is serious confusion as to whether the UNP occupies the non-Rajapaksa anti-government political space or whether it is actually a pro-government political ploy, masquerading as an opposition political party. It is never really quite clear, exactly what kind of political creature the UNP is; you seem to be neither flesh, fish nor fowl. In fact, the general observation, both earlier and even now, is that the UNP seemingly sees the political opposition, led by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and the SJB, as the real political competitors to be opposed, rather than the government and the ruling party. This is extremely detrimental to the Opposition’s political cause as they seek to ensure that the current Rajapaksa administration is a one term exercise and ends without an encore. The obsession of your rump UNP, in snipping at the Opposition Leader, Sajith Premadasa and the SJB, creates a dissonance in the Opposition political space that is only beneficial to the government. Frankly it is not even beneficial to you. You only come across as sour grapes and poor losers, who cannot accept the verdict of the electorate. You were not just beaten fair and square but comprehensively and completely. In simple mathematical terms 54 :1. You weren’t just routed; you were wiped out and the verdict of the electorate must be respected. Take the JVP as an example. They chart an independent political course, without sniping at the other opposition parties. They train their guns on the government. An Opposition party is called to be a check and balance on government. Not be a cannibal on your own side of the isle.

Let me explain to you, why I believe that if Ranil insists on Parliament being his retirement home, he should at least occupy his solitary seat in golden silence. History will probably judge Mr. Wickremesinghe kindlier than the electorate does right now, because we all make mistakes over the course of a long career and as Alexander Pope famously wrote in his subliminal Essay on Criticism, “to err is human and to forgive is divine”. No political party or personality has a monopoly on either virtue or vice, but, right now, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNP has been ruled out by the voter/umpire and should retire back to the pavilion. The nature of the innings he played and how he fared out in the middle, during his various tenures, is a different story. But the fact is that the curtain has come down and the lights have gone out and the actor needs to leave the stage or at a minimum not disturb the next show.

Frankly, take a page out of former President Jayewardene, who in term limit induced retirement, referred to his successor President Ranasinghe Premadasa as his greatest political friend. This was at the height of the impeachment drama and the Athulathmudali/Dissanayake breakaway saga. Some grace and wisdom, along those lines, may be in order at this time. Sajith Premadasa should be your greatest political friend of all time. You may also advise your leader that there are other more gainful ways of spending an elder statesman retirement rather than hogging a parliamentary seat and constantly sniping at your own side of the political divide. Seek some guidance from former President Kumaratunga, who, upon retirement, became involved in the Clinton Global Initiative and the Club de Madrid among other international organisations and roles, though she did play an active behind the scenes role in ending the former Rajapaksa Administration in 2015, when it became clear that they were not interested in a course correction.

Anyway, for you and the UNP, there is but a single course of action. Retire the leader to an international role and join the SJB unconditionally, as a minor ally, mindful that you bring little to the table, except ceasing the “friendly fire” constantly being rained down on the SJB, by your party and its allied media houses.

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Vacant Seat in Parliament

Posted by harimpeiris on April 21, 2021

By Harim Peiris

(Published in the Island on 21st April 2021)

One of the more interesting features about the current Parliament of Sri Lanka, is that it has the highest number of parties with representation in that august Assembly, mostly through a plethora of small parties, which have been elected with one or two members to Parliament. Most of these parties are regional in scope and represent specific communities, often ethnic or religious minorities from the Northern and Eastern provinces. Generally colourful almost quixotic political characters have been elected from these single ticket parties, with a couple of them, including the EPDP and the ACTC securing two seats each. They certainly add colour and a vibrant diversity to the composition of the legislature.

Also falling into this same category of a single seat party, from among the minor parties, is the former governing United National Party (UNP), which rather fortuitously through its vote tally in all districts, managed to qualify for a single National List seat in Parliament. The UNP is a small party with a big party mentality and blessed with close links to major national newspapers, its unelected office-bearers and defeated candidates, manage to make the news daily, if rather irrelevantly.

The UNP has rather unusually been unwilling to fill its single seat, making the current Parliament a full house at 224 members, rather than its complete complement of 225. However, political circles are abuzz with talk that finally its longest serving and possibly leader for life, former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, will have himself nominated to the UNP’s solitary seat in Parliament. It has to be a record in any country with a proportional representation electoral system, for a party to fall from a governing party with 106 seats, to a solitary parliamentary seat in the ensuing election. Leaving that grand old party with a nice head office, a proud history, and some political personalities who made a serious error in political judgement, when they denied its longtime deputy leader and presidential candidate, the party leadership, resulting in the formation of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) party.

Just over a year since nominations for the parliamentary elections closed on 20th March 2020 and the UNP thinks about finally getting its act together, to nominate Mr. Wickremesinghe to its solitary seat, and the SJB celebrated the first year anniversary of its formation; it is worth examining the implications to politics and national governance, created by the Rajapaksa political vehicle of the SLPP supplanting the SLFP, and on the Opposition side of the House, the even newer Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, taking over the constituency, the younger generation leaders and the political leadership of the non SLPP/Rajapaksa socio-political forces in the country. The SLPP created its own history in the August 2020 parliamentary elections becoming the most electorally successful political party under the 1978 constitution, securing 145 seats in Parliament, bettering its predecessor UPFA’s result of 144 seats won in the euphoria of the war’s ending in 2010. The SJB also performed approximately comparative to its parent UNP’s 2010 post war performance, securing 54 seats in 2020.

However, the SJB has also made its own mark on the political landscape of the country in its relatively short history. Firstly, by comprehensively wiping its predecessor UNP off the electoral map, and firmly capturing the Opposition political space. It has faced the juggernaut of an SLPP Administration with a super majority in Parliament. In response, the SJB and the Opposition Leader’s approach has been measured, thoughtful and calibrated. Occupying the moral high ground, by claiming that the Opposition should oppose but not obstruct, it has permitted some leeway to the Rajapaksas to implement their mandate; but has been a moral conscience, as well as a check and balance on the government. As a new party it has focused on building up its grassroots capability, and the indefatigable Opposition Leader has been mirroring the President’s own dialogue with the village, by having numerous grassroots level consultations and discussions, albeit without an attendant media circus.

Politically as well, the focus of the SJB has been to bring to sharp focus the shortcomings of the Administration, and accordingly it has been the inspiration for the “sir fail” political concept; a rather direct assault on the performance or alleged lack thereof by the Government and the President, elected as he was among other things as a technocrat who would get things done. Astutely Sajith Premadasa has been careful to refrain from an overly negative assault on his successful rival in the presidential election, focusing instead on the issues and avoiding the personal mudslinging which has been the sorry hallmark of Sri Lankan politics in more recent times. The SJB and the Opposition Leader have sought to adopt a more principled and issue-based politics, rather than on pure personalities and one that is non-sectarian, both distinctions of which are an unusual departure from the norm in mainstream Sri Lankan politics. As the politics of the UNHRC process in Geneva and the cremation issue of the Covid deceased for the Muslim community dominated the political debate in the past few months, the SJB demonstrated remarkable political maturity in taking a principled position opposed to forced cremation based on the WHO guidelines, and then rolling out a newly minted and credible reconciliation policy on the cusp of the Geneva vote, which differentiated it clearly from the Government, arguing that national unity was the best guarantor and contributor to national security.

As a slew of highly charged political issues ranging from exonerating various accused persons from ongoing court cases through a presidential commission, to the controversial proposals for the autonomous Port City Commission come to dominate the political debate in the near future, the SJB will be tested. But Sajith Premadasa took on the Rajapaksas in their home turf of Hambantota for years, and did not flinch from a tough political ask in a local constituency setting. The current challenges are bigger and the setting is the national political stage. One year on, in a game with a five-year cycle, the SJB can take solace and some credit that while the beginning of the end may not have begun for the current Administration, the end of the honeymoon period with the public for the Administration, has clearly already occurred.

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Internal Dissent and Increasing Opposition to the Port City Bill

Posted by harimpeiris on April 20, 2021

By Harim Peiris

(Published in Groundviews on 20th April 2021)

Aluth avurudu is generally a relaxed period in the country where most people spend time with family following various traditions. But the SLPP/Rajapaksa Administration upended this situation and in the pre-avurudu period just as people were getting ready for the holidays, introduced a slew of measures, policy initiatives and draft legislation that were wide ranging in scope and breathtaking in audacity.

Firstly, as an Administration that made national security a political issue, to deal with the criticism that it had failed to identify, let alone bring to book the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday attacks, the Minister in charge of the subject claimed that a suspect in custody was in fact the mastermind behind the whole plot. The government then expanded the PTA to create special “rehabilitation centers” sans any due process safeguards for alleged extremists and followed these up with the proscription of about 12 organizations, allegedly involved in extremism, with extremism of course not being defined. The response to these initiatives was a few days coming but when it did was quite severe. Speaking at a ceremony unveiling a monument dedicated to victims of the attack, Cardinal Malcom Ranjith claimed that the attacks were the result of political rather than religious extremism. The Cardinal stated that the “Easter Sunday attack was not a result of a craze over religion but an attempt to capture and safeguard power”. These words were conceptually in line with what opposition front benchers in the SJB have been alleging.

The issue however that blew up in the face of the government was its proposed Port City Special Economic Zone Bill that was also gazetted on the eve of the holidays. The Bill, which seeks to provide the legal framework for the management of the Port City, creates essentially a semi if not fully autonomous enclave that exempts the Port City and its near self-governing Commission, from most of the laws of the land, thereby essentially becoming a law unto itself. The proposed Port City Commission would more or less single handedly decide on all matters within the Port City Zone, with no checks and balances or oversight. The powers devolved to the Provincial Council under the 13th amendment are inconsequential compared to the sweeping powers and exemption from most laws granted to the Port City Commission. Despite the holidays, the response to the audacious proposal was swift and more importantly quite widespread.

Leading the charge was the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), which through its General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara and MP Harshana Rajakaruna, filed action in the Supreme Court against the proposed Bill. Similarly, the JVP and even the single seat rump UNP filed action in the Apex Court. The reactions and response of civil society was also swift in coming. The Bar Association through its newly elected executive filed action in Court as did over a dozen trade unions, including those affiliated to political parties that are constituents of the SLPP’s governing alliance. The Supreme Court actions are however necessarily limited in scope to the constitutionality of the proposed Bill; it does not examine the policy or political decisions behind the proposals. That is a job for democratic dialogue and the political and civil society discourse both within Parliament and outside it.

This article does not seek to examine the legal or constitutional aspects of the proposed Bill, which will be argued before the Apex Court, but rather the political ramifications of the policy and the serious dissent in society to the government’s proposals for Port City autonomy. It is hoped that the Speaker, who has in recent times come in for stinging criticism from the Opposition benches for alleged partiality, will realize that not accommodating political dialogue, diversity and dissent within the democratic structures only tends to drive such dissent from political institutions to the streets, as we have seen both in Sri Lanka in the past, when governments have had super majorities and sought to shut out opposition within parliament. The same has been the case in other Asian countries – Myanmar, Hong Kong and Thailand being some recent examples

In that context, it is quite concerning that the government’s response to the public opposition to its proposed legislation is to explore laws to control social media, the one avenue of free expression that is now vibrant and not within the shade and shadow of the ruling alliance. The SLPP/Rajapaksa Administration would do well to remember the lessons of its previous political overreach in proposed legislation of the Divi Neguma Bill, which was successfully challenged in Court and the presiding Chief Justice consequently sacked, but with a straight line from that course of political follies to the government’s popularity decline and electoral defeat in 2015.

Internal dissent is always a greater political peril to a government than external opposition. Both the previous Mahinda Rajapaksa Administration and its successor the Sirisena Administration came a cropper and lost their re-elections because of serious internal dissent that led to internal divisions and resulted in electoral defeat. Therefore it must be of serious concern to even dissenters and the Administration’s apex leadership when serious dissent on policy and political issues arises within the governing alliance, which they are then not disposed of to deal with through consultation and policy adjustments. Leading the internal charge against the proposed Port City Bill was former Justice Minister and current SLPP back bencher Wijeydasa Rajapakshe, who in a widely covered press conference from a well-known temple in the city’s suburbs that had been a cradle for the Rajapakse political comeback effort since 2015, launched a stinging criticism of the proposed special economic zone.  Prelates and lay leaders were also associated with his views. While a lot of the public discussion has been on the government’s reaction to its parliamentary member’s allegations, the more important policy imperatives are the issues that he has raised so publicly.

The opposition to the proposed Port City Bill is widespread and how the government deals with it, democratically as it should or autocratically as it is often tempted to, would have significant impact in the future on these important aspects of our national life.

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